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The Marco Polo Bridge Incident, 1937: the clash that began the war

Second Sino-Japanese War · 7 to 9 July 1937 · Japan vs China · ~9 min read · Updated November 2026

Next anniversary: 7 July 2027, the 90th anniversary 7 July in history ›

Japanese soldiers with rifles lying along a railway embankment near Changxindian, southwest of Peiping, in August 1937, a month after the Marco Polo Bridge Incident

Japanese troops guarding the railway near Changxindian, southwest of Peiping, August 1937, from the Japanese magazine Asahigraph of 1 September 1937, via Wikimedia Commons, public domain.

At a glance

The Empire of Japan fought the Republic of China.

Date
7 to 9 July 1937 (the first clashes). Fighting around Peiping went on until the end of July
Location
The Marco Polo Bridge (Lugouqiao) and the walled town of Wanping, southwest of Peiping (Beijing)
War
Second Sino-Japanese War
Empire of JapanJapanese garrison troops in North China, including the brigade of Kawabe Shozo
Republic of China29th Army of Gen. Sung Che-yuan (Song Zheyuan). At the bridge and in Wanping: troops of its 37th Division

By the numbers

Forces
Empire of Japan:
About 7,000 troops in North China at the start of July by the League of Nations count, 7,000 to 15,000 by the Tokyo tribunal. Over 20,000 men and 100 aircraft by 12 July, according to Chinese reports1
Republic of China:
The 29th Army of Sung Che-yuan. The troops at the bridge and in Wanping belonged to its 37th Division2
Losses
Empire of Japan:
18 killed and 40 wounded in the Wanping area up to 11 July, according to the Japanese headquarters in Tientsin3
Republic of China:
No total known. Chinese guards at Wanping reported some tens of soldiers killed or wounded and ten or more civilians killed on the morning of 8 July4

Other foreign garrisons

Forces
British troops in North China: 1,007, including 252 legation guards. French troops in Hopei: 1,700 to 1,9005
Losses
Not involved in the fighting at the bridge

The figures for the first days come from statements by one side and are partial. The sources give no reliable total for the July fighting.

Outcome
The local truces failed. By the end of July the Japanese held Peiping and Tientsin, and the clash had grown into full-scale war
Quick answer

What was the Marco Polo Bridge Incident?

Late on 7 July 1937 Japanese troops on night maneuvers near the Marco Polo Bridge (Lugouqiao), outside Peiping, now Beijing, clashed with Chinese troops of the 29th Army stationed at the bridge and in the walled town of Wanping. Each side blamed the other. Truces on 9 and 11 July broke down, Japan sent reinforcements, and by the end of July the Japanese held Peiping and Tientsin. The clash grew into a full-scale war between China and Japan.6

Nobody has ever proved who fired the first shot at the Marco Polo Bridge. What happened next is far better documented: within three weeks a night skirmish over a missing soldier had turned into a war that would last until 1945 and merge into the wider Pacific War. This article follows the incident day by day, from the night of 7 July to the fall of Peiping and Tientsin at the end of the month, and sets out what each side claimed.7

North China in the summer of 1937

Japan kept troops in North China under the Boxer Protocol of 1901, which let the powers guard their legations in Peking and twelve points on the railway to the sea. A supplementary agreement of 1902 allowed these troops to hold field exercises without informing the Chinese authorities, except when they fired live ammunition (feux de guerre). At the start of July 1937 the Japanese force there numbered about 7,000 by the League of Nations count, and 7,000 to 15,000 by the estimates the Tokyo war crimes tribunal cited later. The other powers had far smaller detachments.8

Japanese troops were stationed at Fengtai, a town just west of Peiping, as Peking (Beijing) was then called. The bridge at Lukouchiao (Lugouqiao), which Westerners called the Marco Polo Bridge, lay a little further on, southwest of the city: 13 kilometers (8 miles) away by the League of Nations count, 10 miles (16 km) by the US Embassy's and twelve miles (19 km) by Barbara Tuchman's. Next to it stood the small walled town of Wanping.9

Map marking the Marco Polo Bridge (Lugouqiao) and Wanping, southwest of Beijing, China
The Marco Polo Bridge (Lugouqiao) and the walled town of Wanping lie southwest of Beijing, then called Peiping. Location map: © Echoes of Battle (data: Natural Earth, public domain)

The bridge mattered because of the railways. A Chinese Foreign Office official described Lukouchiao as the junction of three rail lines, and the Tokyo tribunal noted that whoever held the bridge could control Peiping from the west. Tuchman, the biographer of the American officer Joseph Stilwell, then military attaché in Peiping, called the railway there the only remaining access to the city not under Japanese control. The Japanese had repeatedly asked for the Chinese troops at Lukouchiao to be withdrawn.10

The Chinese troops in the region belonged to the 29th Army of General Sung Che-yuan (Song Zheyuan), who also chaired the Hopei-Chahar Political Council. Those at the bridge and in Wanping came from its 37th Division, commanded, according to both the US and the Japanese embassies, by General Feng Chih-an (Feng Zhian). Sung himself was away on leave at his home (in Shantung, for almost two months, the US Embassy noted).11

For about two weeks before the incident Japanese troops had held maneuvers near the bridge, and the Tokyo tribunal found that they did so every night. The League of Nations committee wrote that the frequency of these exercises disquieted the Chinese, and that the clash came "in an atmosphere of tension".12

The night of 7 July

On the evening of 7 July Japanese troops held a night maneuver near Lukouchiao, and that night shots were fired near the bridge. The US Embassy identified the unit as a company of the Japanese Embassy Guard, part of the Kawabe Brigade, which had come out from Peiping by way of Fengtai. The accounts disagree on the time. The US Embassy reported the clash as shortly before midnight and the Japanese Embassy put it at 11:40 p.m., but the Tokyo tribunal found that the Japanese had already telephoned the Chinese authorities about Chinese fire at about 10 p.m.13

In the Japanese version, Chinese troops of the 29th Army opened fire on the Japanese soldiers. The Japanese Embassy in Washington said the attack came "for no cause at all". It added that the detachment had stopped its maneuver and asked Fengtai for reinforcements, and that the soldiers carried so little live ammunition that they could not have started the fight.14

In the Chinese version, the Japanese reported that a soldier was missing and demanded entry into Wanping to search the town. When this was refused, they attacked it. Chinese officials added that the missing soldier had soon returned, and the Tokyo tribunal found that on 9 July the Japanese themselves told the Chinese he had been found.15

During the night the two sides agreed to look into the matter on the spot. Early on 8 July Chinese and Japanese officers went into Wanping to negotiate, and while they were there the fighting broke out again.16

8 July: fighting at Wanping

8 July. The accounts of the morning differ again. Chinese guards at the gates of Wanping told an American diplomat that the Japanese had begun firing on the town at about 3:30 a.m., killing or wounding some tens of soldiers and killing ten or more civilians. A Japanese assistant military attaché told the press that Chinese troops had opened fire again at about 5 a.m. and that the Japanese had to take measures of self-defense. The Tokyo tribunal found that a Japanese battalion attacked at about 5 a.m. near the bridge and that machine guns opened on Wanping at about 6.17

Through the day the Japanese besieged Wanping with mortar and artillery fire and pressed their demands, and the Chinese garrison refused them. The office of the Japanese military attaché announced that a Japanese lieutenant had been killed and several soldiers killed or wounded.18

The first reactions in the two capitals already pointed in opposite directions. In Tokyo, the Foreign Office told the American ambassador that "our military people seem to believe that the firing by Chinese troops which started the incident was not premeditated". In Nanking, a Chinese Foreign Office official called the incident "clearly premeditated by the Japanese".19

9 to 11 July: truces that did not hold

9 July. The local commanders agreed on a truce and a mutual withdrawal of troops. According to the US Embassy, foreign eyewitnesses saw the Chinese keep their part and pull back west of the Yungting (Yongding) River.20

10 July. Some 1,000 Japanese troops advanced again to the Wanping area, the US Embassy reported. The Japanese government said instead that on the night of 10 July the 29th Army broke the agreement and suddenly fired on Japanese troops.21

11 July. A local agreement was reached. A Japanese Embassy official in Peiping said it was signed at 8 p.m. and provided for an apology by officers of the 29th Army, the punishment of those responsible and guarantees against a repeat. The US Embassy named General Chang Tzu-chung (Zhang Zizhong), the Mayor of Tientsin, as the Chinese signatory.22

The same day the Japanese cabinet decided to reinforce the garrison in North China with units of the Kwantung Army in Manchuria and of the army in Korea, and to mobilize more units in Japan. Its statement called the incident, beyond any room for doubt, a premeditated armed anti-Japanese action by the Chinese side (our translation), while still declaring a policy of not enlarging the incident and seeking a local settlement.23

According to the Tokyo tribunal, the Japanese General Staff had decided on 10 July to send two brigades from the Kwantung Army, one division from Korea and three divisions from Japan, and stopped the mobilization at home on the night of 11 July after hearing that the Chinese had come to terms. A Japanese archive summary of the incident puts the outcome simply: the conflict was resolved at the local level for a time, but full-scale war broke out in the end.24

Nanking and Tokyo dig in

The Japanese government insisted on a local settlement made without the central Chinese government in Nanking, and, the League of Nations noted, warned Nanking against sending its troops north into Hopei. Meanwhile reinforcements kept arriving. By 12 July, according to Chinese reports cited by the League of Nations, the Japanese had more than 20,000 men and 100 aircraft around Tientsin and Peiping. The Chinese Embassy in Washington spoke of 200,000 troops by 15 July.25

Chiang Kai-shek answered in an address at Kuling (Lushan), the mountain summer resort, released by the Central News Agency under the date of 19 July (the Tokyo tribunal dates the speech to 17 July). He said China was ready to fight to the end if the limit of endurance was reached: "We are not seeking war. We are meeting attacks upon our existence." He set four minimum conditions: no settlement that infringed China's sovereignty and territorial integrity, no illegal change to the Hopei-Chahar Political Council, no removal of officials appointed by the central government under outside pressure, and no restrictions on the positions of the 29th Army.26

End of July: Peiping and Tientsin fall

Fresh clashes at Langfang, between Peiping and Tientsin, and at the Kwanganmen gate of Peiping, which the Tokyo tribunal dates to 25 and 26 July, led to open fighting. The Japanese Embassy blamed "successive acts of betrayal on the part of the Chinese troops" there.27

28 July. Early in the morning Japanese aircraft attacked Nanyuan, just outside Peiping, and fighting broke out around the city. The US Embassy later reported that the divisional commander General Chao Teng-yu (Zhao Dengyu) was killed at Nanyuan. That day, the Tokyo tribunal found, Chiang Kai-shek ordered Sung to fall back to Paoting, and that night, the US Embassy reported, Sung left Peiping with his troops.28

29 July. In Tientsin Japanese planes bombed Nankai University among other targets, and fighting went on for two days before the Chinese fell back south.29

By the end of July the Chinese troops had left the Peiping and Tientsin area and the Japanese held both cities. The Tokyo tribunal dates the capture of Peiping to 8 August, when Japanese troops under Kawabe Shozo paraded through its streets. In the second week of August fighting broke out at Shanghai, which became a second theater of the war.30

The war that followed lasted until 1945. Battles such as the Second Battle of Changsha in 1941 were still to come, and after the attack on Pearl Harbor the conflict became part of the Second World War in Asia and the Pacific.31

Who fired first?

Neither the League of Nations nor the US Embassy in Peiping tried to settle who fired the first shot. The League set the Chinese and Japanese versions side by side, and the embassy wrote in August 1937: "Presumably it will never be established whether a Japanese or a Chinese fired the shot which precipitated the fighting in the vicinity of Marco Polo Bridge".32

The embassy still placed the responsibility on the Japanese, because they held night maneuvers close to a Chinese garrison at a tense time and outside the zone the 1901 Protocol had set for foreign troops. It did not believe the clash had been deliberately planned by the Japanese military, but judged that they soon decided to use it as a pretext to extend their influence in North China.33

The Tokyo war crimes tribunal, sitting after Japan's defeat, treated the clash as the start of the second phase of a war that Japan had begun in Manchuria in 1931. It noted that in June 1937 Tojo Hideki, then chief of staff of the Kwantung Army, had proposed to "deliver a blow" to the Chinese government first.34

Historians remain divided. In a 2014 survey of Japanese research, the historian Duan Ruicong wrote that Chinese scholars almost unanimously conclude that the Japanese fired first, while most Japanese scholars regard the incident as accidental. A group of Japanese scholars blames Chinese Communists for the first shot, a theory criticized by the Japanese historians Hata Ikuhiko, Eguchi Keiichi and Yasui Sankichi. Duan thought the question would perhaps always remain a mystery.35

When did the war begin?

Japanese officials spoke of the North China Incident and later of the China Incident, a name the Tokyo tribunal called a false description of what was a war. Japanese historians, Duan Ruicong notes, still debate whether to count an "Eight-Year War" from July 1937 or a "Fifteen-Year War" from the Mukden Incident of September 1931.36

China long dated its War of Resistance from 7 July 1937, as an eight-year war. In January 2017 the government moved the official start to 18 September 1931, and the Ministry of Education ordered textbooks revised to match, making it a fourteen-year war.37

The Museum of the Chinese People's War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression in Beijing marks the incident at the bridge as the beginning of the war, while the timeline at the entrance to its galleries runs from 1931 to 1945, noted Keith Huxen of the National WWII Museum. For the US State Department's historians, the clash of 7 July 1937 threw China and Japan into full-scale war, and the conflict that followed helped push the United States toward war with Japan. More on Japan's wars of that era is in our military history of Japan.38

Frequently asked questions

What was the Marco Polo Bridge Incident?

A clash between Japanese troops on night maneuvers and Chinese troops of the 29th Army near the Marco Polo Bridge (Lugouqiao) and the walled town of Wanping, outside Peiping (Beijing), late on 7 July 1937. Fighting flared again on 8 July, and the incident grew into a full-scale war between China and Japan.39

Who fired the first shot at the Marco Polo Bridge?

It has never been established. The Japanese said Chinese troops opened fire. The Chinese said the Japanese demanded entry into Wanping to search for a missing soldier, were refused and then attacked. The US Embassy in Peiping wrote in August 1937 that it would presumably never be known, and in 2014 the historian Duan Ruicong still thought it might always remain a mystery.40

Why is it called the Marco Polo Bridge?

The bridge at Lukouchiao (Lugouqiao) southwest of Beijing was named by Westerners after Marco Polo, who admired it in the thirteenth century, as Barbara Tuchman writes. In China the clash is known as the Lugou Bridge (Lugouqiao) Incident.41

Was the incident planned?

Each side accused the other. The Japanese government called it a premeditated Chinese action, and a Chinese Foreign Office official called it premeditated by the Japanese. The US Embassy did not think the Japanese military planned the clash, but judged that they soon used it as a pretext.42

How did the incident become a war?

Local truces on 9 and 11 July broke down while Japan sent reinforcements from Manchuria, Korea and Japan. Fresh clashes in late July were followed by a Japanese offensive, and by the end of the month the Japanese held Peiping and Tientsin. In August the fighting spread to Shanghai.43

When did the Second Sino-Japanese War begin?

It is usually dated from the Marco Polo Bridge Incident of 7 July 1937. Since 2017 Chinese textbooks date China's war of resistance from the Mukden Incident of 18 September 1931, and some Japanese historians also speak of a fifteen-year war from 1931.44

Notes

A number in the text points to a note. Each note names the works that paragraph draws on, listed in full under Sources.

  1. “First Report Adopted by the League of Nations Assembly on October 6, 1937”. International Military Tribunal for the Far East, “Judgment”, Part B, Chapter V. ↩
  2. “The Ambassador in China (Johnson) to the Secretary of State, Peiping, August 17, 1937”. International Military Tribunal for the Far East, “Judgment”, Part B, Chapter V. Barbara W. Tuchman, “Japan Strikes”. ↩
  3. “The Ambassador in China (Johnson) to the Secretary of State, Peiping, July 11, 1937”. ↩
  4. “The Ambassador in China (Johnson) to the Secretary of State, Peiping, July 8, 1937, 11 a.m.”. ↩
  5. “First Report Adopted by the League of Nations Assembly on October 6, 1937”. International Military Tribunal for the Far East, “Judgment”, Part B, Chapter V. ↩
  6. “First Report Adopted by the League of Nations Assembly on October 6, 1937”. International Military Tribunal for the Far East, “Judgment”, Part B, Chapter V. “The Ambassador in China (Johnson) to the Secretary of State, Peiping, July 8, 1937, 11 a.m.”. Japan Center for Asian Historical Records, “The Marco Polo Bridge Incident”. ↩
  7. “The Ambassador in China (Johnson) to the Secretary of State, Peiping, August 17, 1937”. Duan Ruicong, “Japanese Scholarship on the Sino-Japanese War”. “First Report Adopted by the League of Nations Assembly on October 6, 1937”. Barbara W. Tuchman, “Japan Strikes”. International Military Tribunal for the Far East, “Judgment”, Part B, Chapter V. ↩
  8. “First Report Adopted by the League of Nations Assembly on October 6, 1937”. International Military Tribunal for the Far East, “Judgment”, Part B, Chapter V. ↩
  9. International Military Tribunal for the Far East, “Judgment”, Part B, Chapter V. “The Japanese Embassy to the Department of State, July 12, 1937”. “First Report Adopted by the League of Nations Assembly on October 6, 1937”. Sun Xiaochen, “Texts to recognize entire war of resistance”. “The Ambassador in China (Johnson) to the Secretary of State, Peiping, July 8, 1937, 11 a.m.”. Barbara W. Tuchman, “Japan Strikes”. ↩
  10. “The Counselor of Embassy in China (Peck) to the Secretary of State, Nanking, July 9, 1937, 11 a.m.”. International Military Tribunal for the Far East, “Judgment”, Part B, Chapter V. Barbara W. Tuchman, “Japan Strikes”. ↩
  11. “The Ambassador in China (Johnson) to the Secretary of State, Peiping, August 17, 1937”. “The Counselor of Embassy in China (Peck) to the Secretary of State, Nanking, July 9, 1937, 11 a.m.”. International Military Tribunal for the Far East, “Judgment”, Part B, Chapter V. Barbara W. Tuchman, “Japan Strikes”. “The Japanese Embassy to the Department of State, July 12, 1937”. ↩
  12. “The Ambassador in China (Johnson) to the Secretary of State, Peiping, July 8, 1937, 11 a.m.”. Barbara W. Tuchman, “Japan Strikes”. International Military Tribunal for the Far East, “Judgment”, Part B, Chapter V. “First Report Adopted by the League of Nations Assembly on October 6, 1937”. ↩
  13. “First Report Adopted by the League of Nations Assembly on October 6, 1937”. International Military Tribunal for the Far East, “Judgment”, Part B, Chapter V. Barbara W. Tuchman, “Japan Strikes”. “The Ambassador in China (Johnson) to the Secretary of State, Peiping, August 17, 1937”. “The Ambassador in China (Johnson) to the Secretary of State, Peiping, July 8, 1937, 11 a.m.”. “The Japanese Embassy to the Department of State, July 12, 1937”. ↩
  14. “The Japanese Embassy to the Department of State, July 12, 1937”. “First Report Adopted by the League of Nations Assembly on October 6, 1937”. “The Ambassador in China (Johnson) to the Secretary of State, Peiping, July 8, 1937, 3 p.m.”. Barbara W. Tuchman, “Japan Strikes”. ↩
  15. “First Report Adopted by the League of Nations Assembly on October 6, 1937”. International Military Tribunal for the Far East, “Judgment”, Part B, Chapter V. “The Counselor of Embassy in China (Peck) to the Secretary of State, Nanking, July 9, 1937, 11 a.m.”. “The Ambassador in China (Johnson) to the Secretary of State, Peiping, August 17, 1937”. ↩
  16. “The Ambassador in China (Johnson) to the Secretary of State, Peiping, July 8, 1937, 3 p.m.”. International Military Tribunal for the Far East, “Judgment”, Part B, Chapter V. ↩
  17. “The Ambassador in China (Johnson) to the Secretary of State, Peiping, July 8, 1937, 11 a.m.”. “The Ambassador in China (Johnson) to the Secretary of State, Peiping, July 8, 1937, 3 p.m.”. International Military Tribunal for the Far East, “Judgment”, Part B, Chapter V. ↩
  18. Barbara W. Tuchman, “Japan Strikes”. International Military Tribunal for the Far East, “Judgment”, Part B, Chapter V. “The Ambassador in China (Johnson) to the Secretary of State, Peiping, July 8, 1937, 3 p.m.”. ↩
  19. “The Ambassador in Japan (Grew) to the Secretary of State, Tokyo, July 8, 1937”. “The Counselor of Embassy in China (Peck) to the Secretary of State, Nanking, July 9, 1937, 11 a.m.”. ↩
  20. “The Counselor of Embassy in China (Peck) to the Secretary of State, Nanking, July 9, 1937, noon”. International Military Tribunal for the Far East, “Judgment”, Part B, Chapter V. “First Report Adopted by the League of Nations Assembly on October 6, 1937”. “The Ambassador in China (Johnson) to the Secretary of State, Peiping, August 17, 1937”. ↩
  21. “The Ambassador in China (Johnson) to the Secretary of State, Peiping, August 17, 1937”. “The Japanese Embassy to the Department of State, July 12, 1937”. Japanese Government, “華北派兵に關する聲明”. ↩
  22. “First Report Adopted by the League of Nations Assembly on October 6, 1937”. International Military Tribunal for the Far East, “Judgment”, Part B, Chapter V. “The Ambassador in China (Johnson) to the Secretary of State, Peiping, July 12, 1937, 1 a.m.”. “The Ambassador in China (Johnson) to the Secretary of State, Peiping, August 17, 1937”. ↩
  23. Japanese Cabinet, “蘆溝橋事件處理に關する閣議決定”. Japanese Government, “華北派兵に關する聲明”. International Military Tribunal for the Far East, “Judgment”, Part B, Chapter V. ↩
  24. International Military Tribunal for the Far East, “Judgment”, Part B, Chapter V. Japan Center for Asian Historical Records, “The Marco Polo Bridge Incident”. ↩
  25. “First Report Adopted by the League of Nations Assembly on October 6, 1937”. International Military Tribunal for the Far East, “Judgment”, Part B, Chapter V. “The Chinese Embassy to the Department of State, July 15, 1937”. ↩
  26. “The Counselor of Embassy in China (Peck) to the Secretary of State, Nanking, July 20, 1937”. International Military Tribunal for the Far East, “Judgment”, Part B, Chapter V. Barbara W. Tuchman, “Japan Strikes”. ↩
  27. International Military Tribunal for the Far East, “Judgment”, Part B, Chapter V. “The Counselor of Embassy in China (Lockhart) to the Secretary of State, Peiping, July 29, 1937”. “First Report Adopted by the League of Nations Assembly on October 6, 1937”. ↩
  28. “The Counselor of Embassy in China (Lockhart) to the Secretary of State, Peiping, July 28, 1937”. International Military Tribunal for the Far East, “Judgment”, Part B, Chapter V. “The Ambassador in China (Johnson) to the Secretary of State, Peiping, August 17, 1937”. “The Counselor of Embassy in China (Lockhart) to the Secretary of State, Peiping, July 29, 1937”. ↩
  29. “The Consul General at Tientsin (Caldwell) to the Secretary of State, Tientsin, July 29, 1937”. Barbara W. Tuchman, “Japan Strikes”. International Military Tribunal for the Far East, “Judgment”, Part B, Chapter V. ↩
  30. “First Report Adopted by the League of Nations Assembly on October 6, 1937”. Barbara W. Tuchman, “Japan Strikes”. International Military Tribunal for the Far East, “Judgment”, Part B, Chapter V. ↩
  31. International Military Tribunal for the Far East, “Judgment”, Part B, Chapter V. Duan Ruicong, “Japanese Scholarship on the Sino-Japanese War”. Office of the Historian, “Japan, China, the United States and the Road to Pearl Harbor, 1937-41”. ↩
  32. “First Report Adopted by the League of Nations Assembly on October 6, 1937”. “The Ambassador in China (Johnson) to the Secretary of State, Peiping, August 17, 1937”. ↩
  33. “The Ambassador in China (Johnson) to the Secretary of State, Peiping, August 17, 1937”. ↩
  34. International Military Tribunal for the Far East, “Judgment”, Part B, Chapter V. International Military Tribunal for the Far East, “Judgment”, Part B, Chapter V. ↩
  35. Duan Ruicong, “Japanese Scholarship on the Sino-Japanese War”. ↩
  36. Japan Center for Asian Historical Records, “The Marco Polo Bridge Incident”. International Military Tribunal for the Far East, “Judgment”, Part B, Chapter V. International Military Tribunal for the Far East, “Judgment”, Part B, Chapter V. Duan Ruicong, “Japanese Scholarship on the Sino-Japanese War”. ↩
  37. Sun Xiaochen, “Texts to recognize entire war of resistance”. Chen Shaoyuan and Li Rongde, “China's History Textbooks Told to Modify Date War Began Against Japan”. Keith Huxen, “History Through the Viewfinder”. ↩
  38. Keith Huxen, “History Through the Viewfinder”. Office of the Historian, “Japan, China, the United States and the Road to Pearl Harbor, 1937-41”. ↩
  39. “First Report Adopted by the League of Nations Assembly on October 6, 1937”. International Military Tribunal for the Far East, “Judgment”, Part B, Chapter V. “The Ambassador in China (Johnson) to the Secretary of State, Peiping, July 8, 1937, 11 a.m.”. ↩
  40. “First Report Adopted by the League of Nations Assembly on October 6, 1937”. “The Japanese Embassy to the Department of State, July 12, 1937”. “The Ambassador in China (Johnson) to the Secretary of State, Peiping, August 17, 1937”. Duan Ruicong, “Japanese Scholarship on the Sino-Japanese War”. ↩
  41. Barbara W. Tuchman, “Japan Strikes”. International Military Tribunal for the Far East, “Judgment”, Part B, Chapter V. Chen Shaoyuan and Li Rongde, “China's History Textbooks Told to Modify Date War Began Against Japan”. Sun Xiaochen, “Texts to recognize entire war of resistance”. ↩
  42. Japanese Government, “華北派兵に關する聲明”. “The Counselor of Embassy in China (Peck) to the Secretary of State, Nanking, July 9, 1937, 11 a.m.”. “The Ambassador in China (Johnson) to the Secretary of State, Peiping, August 17, 1937”. ↩
  43. “First Report Adopted by the League of Nations Assembly on October 6, 1937”. International Military Tribunal for the Far East, “Judgment”, Part B, Chapter V. Barbara W. Tuchman, “Japan Strikes”. ↩
  44. Chen Shaoyuan and Li Rongde, “China's History Textbooks Told to Modify Date War Began Against Japan”. Sun Xiaochen, “Texts to recognize entire war of resistance”. Keith Huxen, “History Through the Viewfinder”. Duan Ruicong, “Japanese Scholarship on the Sino-Japanese War”. ↩

Sources

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